{"id":1788,"date":"2025-05-15T10:33:42","date_gmt":"2025-05-15T07:33:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/?p=1788"},"modified":"2025-05-27T23:34:11","modified_gmt":"2025-05-27T20:34:11","slug":"the-druze-in-the-syrian-landscape","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/?p=1788","title":{"rendered":"The Druze in the Syrian Landscape"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Ebas \u015e\u00eaxm\u00fbs<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The Druze constitute approximately 3% of Syria\u2019s population. They are primarily concentrated in the southern region of the country, especially in Suwayda Governorate\u2014the Druze heartland\u2014and in several Damascus suburbs such as Jaramana and Ashrafiyat Sahnaya, which have Druze majorities. The Druze community also has geographic extensions in Lebanon and the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights.<\/p>\n

Unlike many other interior governorates, Suwayda did not become deeply entangled in the Syrian conflict. It maintained a position of near neutrality, refusing to align unconditionally with either side\u2014whether the Syrian regime or the so-called opposition forces and the Free Syrian Army. Nevertheless, Suwayda endured attacks from terrorist groups, notably ISIS, including the devastating 2018 assault that claimed the lives of dozens of men, women, and children. The governorate also experienced kidnappings and recurring security tensions between local armed factions and forcer regime forces.<\/p>\n

Among the most prominent armed groups formed in Suwayda during the early stages of the conflict was the Men of Dignity Movement, established by Sheikh Wahid al-Balous, who was assassinated in a car bombing in 2015. Leadership subsequently passed to his sons, Fahd and Laith al-Balous. Another key group was Mountain Brigade, founded by Marhej al-Jaramani, who was assassinated in 2024. Following the fall of the Assad regime on December 8, 2024, a Suwayda Military Council was established under the leadership of Colonel Tariq al-Shoufi.<\/p>\n

The Druze and the New Syrian Regime <\/strong><\/p>\n

After the collapse of the Assad regime and the takeover of Damascus by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) under Abu Muhammad al-Julani\u2014currently the transitional president Ahmed al-Sharaa\u2014a transitional government was formed. Relations between this new administration and Suwayda quickly soured, particularly after the coastal massacres perpetrated by certain factions within the so-called New Syrian Army, especially the Hamzat and Ahrar al-Sharqiya groups.<\/p>\n

Following these events, fierce clashes erupted between the New Syrian Army and Druze communities in Majority-Druze areas around Damascus, such as Jaramana and Ashrafiyat Sahnaya. These clashes have not ceased. Meanwhile, Suwayda has come under attack by unidentified armed groups. Al-Sharaa\u2019s attempts to extend his control over the governorate, including efforts to disarm local forces and integrate them into the New Syrian Army, have been firmly rejected by the Druze\u2014just as other Syrian communities have rejected the new political order. The Druze refuse to accept the new constitutional declaration, the structure of the transitional government, and its one-party character. While they do not oppose the regulation of arms, they insist on retaining their weapons within the administrative boundaries of Suwayda and under local, state-recognized authority.<\/p>\n

The new regime not only refuses to engage in national dialogue about Syria\u2019s future and system of governance, but also insists on a centralized model of control over all Syrian territory\u2014except for the Turkish-occupied north. It dismisses any recognition of the rights of Syria\u2019s diverse communities in a unified constitution that reflects the country\u2019s cultural and ethnic pluralism.<\/p>\n

Despite international consensus on the need to protect minorities in Syria and ensure their rights in the new constitution\u2014seen as a prerequisite for diplomatic engagement with the new regime\u2014these principles clash with the agendas of influential regional actors allied with the new regime. This contradiction threatens to plunge Syria into sectarian conflict. Although the fall of Assad ended Iranian influence and Damascus\u2019 subordination to Tehran, it has been replaced by Turkish influence, which poses even greater dangers. Syria has never witnessed atrocities on the scale of those recently committed against various communities, one massacre following another, in what appears to be an ideological alignment between the new regime and Turkey\u2019s vision\u2014a vision that aims to erase the role of sectarian and ethnic communities that demand political, economic, and cultural rights and seek a democratic Syria.<\/p>\n

The massacres in the Syrian coastal region targeting the Alawite community can be partly attributed to the absence of autonomous civil and military structures to defend Alawite rights and shield the community from the sectarian backlash driven by militant factions. Similarly, regional powers have allegedly used their proxies to perpetrate such atrocities for their own strategic goals. The Druze community faces a similar threat. Despite its military capabilities, Suwayda lacks a unified vision for Syria\u2019s future and the structure of the New Syrian Army. Internal divisions\u2014particularly between the Men of Dignity, the Mountain Brigade, and the Suwayda Military Council\u2014have further undermined the community\u2019s security.<\/p>\n

Al-Sharaa\u2019s insistence on asserting control over Suwayda by force, rather than through dialogue, despite the Druze having no secessionist intentions or desire to form parallel military forces outside the national framework, may open the door for regional powers to exploit the situation and impose their own agendas on Syria.<\/p>\n

Israel and the Druze Community <\/strong><\/p>\n

Israel views the new Syrian regime with suspicion and has yet to recognize it or its interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa, whom it accuses of terrorism. Israel has explicitly warned the New Syrian Army against deploying any forces in the southern provinces\u2014Quneitra, Daraa, and Suwayda\u2014labeling them as terrorist entities that must not be allowed to entrench themselves in the region.<\/p>\n

Regardless of who bears responsibility for the escalating tensions and military operations in the south, the overall picture suggests a deepening conflict between the New Syrian Army and the Druze community. One underlying factor may be the growing support in Suwayda for a decentralized or federal model of governance\u2014an idea that aligns with Israeli interests in the south. Israel has portrayed itself as a protector of the Druze, though Druze religious and military leaders consistently deny any cooperation with Israel.<\/p>\n

Israel\u2019s potential strategic objective may be the creation of a buffer zone in the south to protect its national security and prevent the establishment of militant or extremist groups in the region. The presence of such groups is seen as an extension of Turkish influence\u2014something Israel finds increasingly troubling, even though Turkey is a NATO member and an Israeli partner. Turkey\u2019s ties with extremist factions amplify the threat posed by their presence near Israeli borders, particularly since Israel has already succeeded in expelling Iranian militias from most of Syria, especially from the south, which holds significant strategic value.<\/p>\n

Israeli statements about protecting the Druze in the south should be seen in the context of its broader effort to shield itself from both extremist groups and the expansion of Turkish influence in Syria.<\/p>\n

A Distrusted Army and an Unstable Future<\/strong><\/p>\n

The policies pursued by Ahmed al-Sharaa and his army\u2014especially the intense security and military pressure on Druze communities in Suwayda and around Damascus\u2014alongside the regime’s rejection of any inclusive dialogue, could push the Druze to seek external protection for fear of future massacres. The absence of a unified constitution guaranteeing the rights of all communities, and the lack of legal accountability for war crimes, only deepen this fear.<\/p>\n

Recent controversial military appointments have further undermined public trust in the New Syrian Army. These include placing the notorious mercenary Abu Hatim Shaqra, leader of the Ahrar al-Sharqiya faction, in command of the Division 86 operating in Deir Ezzor, Raqqa, and Hasakah\u2014areas under the control of the Autonomous Administration and the Syrian Democratic Forces. Similarly, Faheem Artugrul Issa, known for his allegiance to the Turkish occupation, was appointed Deputy Minister of Defense. Previously, Muhammad al-Jassim (aka Abu Amsha), head of the Suleiman Shah faction, was appointed commander of the Division 25 in Hama. Moreover, key positions have been filled by non-Syrians with records of involvement in terrorism. These decisions have turned the New Syrian Army into a force perceived not only as untrustworthy, but as a serious threat to Syria\u2019s communities and society\u2014perhaps even more so than to neighboring states.<\/p>\n

Consequently, other communities in Syria may be driven to establish their own local military councils to protect themselves and prevent massacres, akin to the atrocities committed against the Alawites on the coast.<\/p>\n

The agreements signed between the Druze and the New Syrian Army to ease military and security tensions are unlikely to produce lasting stability. These are merely temporary pacts that can collapse at any moment, particularly given the prevailing mindset of the new regime\u2014marked by controversial appointments, sectarian policies, and the suppression of Syria\u2019s diverse communities. Such strategies only exacerbate the Syrian crisis and feed sectarian conflict, turning the country into a destabilizing force for the region and a threat to regional peace and security. This instability could compel some Syrian communities to seek external protection, with arms remaining their only guarantee of safety.<\/p>\n

Surrendering weapons to the New Syrian Army\u2014an institution widely distrusted by Syrians\u2014would, under the current political and military circumstances, be tantamount to suicide. As the spokesperson for the \u201cMen of Dignity\u201d movement, Bassem Abu Fakhr, told Asharq Al-Awsat<\/em>:<\/p>\n

\u201cThe issue of disarmament falls under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defense. No final decision has been made. Our weapons have never posed a threat to anyone; they exist solely to defend our land and honor. To disarm now would be suicide, and it risks exposing the Druze community to future massacres.\u201d<\/p>\n

Thus, Syria\u2019s security and military future hinges on the political choices of Ahmed al-Sharaa\u2014whether he resolves internal crises through military force or inclusive dialogue, whether he recognizes the country\u2019s rich ethnic and cultural diversity, and whether he can strike a balance between internal policies and international expectations to protect minority communities. If he fails, and allows regional powers to dictate Syria\u2019s political course, the result may be chaos\u2014political, military, and humanitarian.<\/p>\n

\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Druze constitute approximately 3% of Syria\u2019s population. They are primarily concentrated in the southern region of the country, especially in Suwayda Governorate\u2014the Druze heartland\u2014and in several Damascus suburbs such as Jaramana and Ashrafiyat Sahnaya, which have Druze majorities. The Druze community also has geographic extensions in Lebanon and the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights. Unlike many …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1790,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1788","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analizes"],"better_featured_image":{"id":1790,"alt_text":"","caption":"","description":"","media_type":"image","media_details":{"width":1920,"height":1080,"file":"2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape.jpg","filesize":1385003,"sizes":{"medium":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-300x169.jpg","width":300,"height":169,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":31042,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-300x169.jpg"},"thumbnail":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-150x150.jpg","width":150,"height":150,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":20323,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-150x150.jpg"},"medium_large":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-768x432.jpg","width":768,"height":432,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":108523,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-768x432.jpg"},"1536x1536":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-1536x864.jpg","width":1536,"height":864,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":301715,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-1536x864.jpg"},"wp_review_large":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-320x200.jpg","width":320,"height":200,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":35373,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-320x200.jpg"},"wp_review_small":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-65x65.jpg","width":65,"height":65,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":13843,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-65x65.jpg"},"jannah-image-small":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-220x150.jpg","width":220,"height":150,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":24887,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-220x150.jpg"},"jannah-image-large":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-390x220.jpg","width":390,"height":220,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":42443,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-390x220.jpg"},"jannah-image-post":{"file":"The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-780x470.jpg","width":780,"height":470,"mime-type":"image\/jpeg","filesize":116634,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape-780x470.jpg"}},"image_meta":{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"1","keywords":[]}},"post":1788,"source_url":"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/The-Druze-in-the-Syrian-Landscape.jpg"},"yoast_head":"\nThe Druze in the Syrian Landscape - Rojava Center for Strategic Studies<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/nrls.net\/en\/?p=1788\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"ar_AR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Druze in the Syrian Landscape - Rojava Center for Strategic Studies\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The Druze constitute approximately 3% of Syria\u2019s population. 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