Reports

Turkish Occupation Attacks: Causes, Positions, and Consequences

The details of the dialogue session held by Rojava Center for Strategic Studies via Zoom on Monday, January 8, 2024

Title:

“Turkish Occupation Attacks: Causes, Positions, and Consequences”

in Arabic

Which hosted:

Dr. Mukhtar Ghubashi… Doctor in Criminal Law and Political Science.

Dr. Rezgar Qasim… Head of the Kurdistan Renewal Movement and representative of SDC (Syrian Democratic Council) in Germany.

And Mr. Sanharib Barsoum, the co-chair of the Syriac Union Party.

The session addressed three main topics:

– The continued Turkish occupation targeting infrastructure and civilian institutions in northern and eastern Syria.

– The silence of the international community “the coalition, the Russians, and the Arab countries”.

– The local, regional, and international requirements.

Participation of Dr. Rezgar Qasim, head of the Kurdistan Renewal Movement, and representative of SDC (Syrian Democratic Council) in Germany.

Question – The direct and indirect reasons for the Turkish occupation attacks on the areas of northern and eastern Syria, and its targeting of the infrastructure?

The Turkish occupation state before the events of Gaza, and before the attacks carried out by the Hamas movement on Israel, and the war that started between them, has been targeting the Kurdish people and the peoples of the region for a long time. If we go back to the history of this state and the crimes it commits against the peoples of the region as a whole, and at the forefront of them the Kurdish people, it goes back more than a hundred years.

The Turkish occupation state exploits the circumstances in the region, especially after the events of Gaza; where it has clearly started to target the infrastructure of the northern and eastern regions of Syria. The main reason for this can be linked to an important historical issue, which is the targeting of the Kurdish existence. The Turkish occupation state has lived in phobia of the Kurds for a hundred years, and the basic issue revolves around the fact that if the Kurdish people earn any gain, or their right to determine their fate, or their minimum rights, the Turkish occupation state sees it as a threat to the so-called Turkish national security. Turkey always focuses on this point; because it realizes that since it came to the region hundreds of years ago and occupied the lands of other peoples, such as the Armenians, Kurds, and Greeks, and committed massacres against the Kurds and Christians “Syriacs and Armenians”, it knows very well that it is a state of colonization. For hundreds of years, they came in the name of Islam and occupied the region and declared the so-called Ottoman Empire under the banner of Islam, but in reality, it is an occupation state. They came from the farthest corners of Central Asia, occupied these areas, and committed massacres against the peoples of the region, at the forefront of them the Kurdish people, and to this day; the attacks carried out by the Turkish occupation state on the northern and eastern regions of Syria are nothing but an extension of what happened a hundred years ago, and over four hundred years of the era of the Ottoman occupation state and until today, and this is the direct reason.

As for the indirect reason that is related to the direct reason, it is what is called their “national Milli” pact that the Turks have set for themselves, this pact is based on the basis of occupying the lands of neighboring countries.

Northern Kurdistan, which is still occupied to this day, the Turkish occupation state wants to expand once again into areas they claim are Turkish territories according to their so-called “Milli Pact,” such as Mosul, Kirkuk, and Aleppo. They are like “Juha’s nail.” Even before the grave of their sultan, known as “Sultan Suleiman,” was found in Syria, they claimed they would protect it, but they had expansionist goals in Syria. Today, they occupy areas in Rojava, from Afrin to Serekaniye, and they have ambitions in Aleppo. The Turkish state has been an occupying state since it came from Central Asia until today, and they use Islam as an excuse to intervene in and occupy these areas.

Question: The Turkish occupation targets areas in northern and eastern Syria, which include all components, and the Kurds are one of those components participating in the administration of the region. Despite this, the Turkish occupation continues to attack the region under the pretext of the Kurds. It would be great if you could clarify this point.

Of course, when I talked about the direct reason and linked it to the Kurdish issue and Kurdish phobia, I also pointed out that the peoples of the region have unanimously suffered extermination by the Turks, such as the Syriacs, Armenians, Kurds, Arabs, and other peoples, including the Greeks. Today, despite the existence of an administration and a region managed by the components of the entire region, including Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, and even Turkmen, despite their small numbers, are present in this administration. However, the self-administration sees their issues as the same as those of the Kurds and Syriacs, but the issue is not about that. The issue is that the dictatorial regimes see the self-administration as hostile to their interests and dictatorships.

This area has been living the first democratic experience based on the brotherhood of peoples and peaceful coexistence among them for more than a hundred years. They all participate in managing themselves, with no distinction between them. This experience poses a threat to the Assad dictatorship and the Turkish fascist regime, which continue to oppress the people. It also poses a threat to the system of the Tehran mullahs; so you see them coming together in one axis against this administration, and they do everything in their power and with all the strength they have to create discord among the components of the northern and eastern regions of Syria; this is also considered a reason (apart from the phobia of the Kurds), and this causes concern for the dictatorial regimes, especially the Turks who used the Syrians in various regions as mercenaries; they oppose the experience of self-administration; and without this experience, Turkey would have been “roaming and frolicking” in Syrian geography, extending that to other areas of the Arab countries.

After the failure of the Muslim Brotherhood project “the Brotherhood system” starting from Egypt “Morsi” to “Ghannouchi” in Tunisia and others, this project led by Erdogan, and focused all his efforts on striking the democratic self-administration, by striking the self-administration and targeting the infrastructure, and targeting the existence of peoples, and targeting the livelihood of the peoples who participate in managing this region, Turkey aims to settle and expand in the region, and this is clear to everyone.

Question: How can the international community’s position on these attacks be read?

Unfortunately, the international community sees the actions of the Turkish occupation state as not befitting the size of these countries and their presence in the region, and their claims of protecting peoples and spreading democracies.

The Turks are playing on different strings due to their presence in NATO on one hand and in the Astana alliance, which is hostile to NATO, on the other. Despite that, NATO or the countries in it, especially the United States, have not adopted the required position regarding the Turkish occupation’s violations against NATO countries, or the laws that NATO countries themselves work on before fulfilling their duty towards the people of the region. The alliance countries and the United States came to the region to fight terrorism but turn a blind eye to the creator and supporter of terrorism, allowing terrorists to pass from their country to neighboring countries (Iraq and Syria). This leads us to delve into the policy and nature of the policies of the major powers: Russia, the United States, and the countries under the banner of the international coalition against terrorism. This position can be linked to the strategic policy when we compare this issue accurately and realistically with the planned project for the region, which used the existence of terrorism as a means and excuse, and which was already present (ISIS). We see that this project is the reason for the United States and other countries turning a blind eye to what Turkey is doing.

The Turkish occupation is carrying out the role assigned to it by the international alliance and the major powers to play a role in this ongoing project in this area, which is well underway; the project I am referring to is the “New Middle East” project, and Turkey’s role in my opinion is to enter “ISIS” who came from various countries of the world and were welcomed by “the Turkish Mitt” in Ankara and Istanbul to Syria. The goal was not to strike the Syrian regime, but at this point, Turkey has exceeded its assigned role; it directed this terrorism towards the Kurds and the peoples of northern and eastern Syria, and this was confirmed by some who were in the ranks of the opposition. The role assigned to Turkey due to its presence in NATO is not only to commit violations against the northern and eastern regions of Syria, but also to commit violations even against the countries allied with it. It tries to exploit every opportunity for its own benefit and for the benefit of Turkish racism, disregarding all laws. In my opinion, the “New Middle East” project in the region is also one of the reasons, as the stages that this project is going through are the reason why the major powers overlook what Turkey is doing in the region.

When we go back to evaluating the past period; if the Turks had the ability to enter the northern and eastern regions of Syria, and occupy them a long time ago, and they tried repeatedly and offered their capabilities to their ally America and the international alliance as an alternative to the Syrian Democratic Forces, but the Americans refused that, meaning they did not allow the Turks to enter the northern and eastern regions of Syria. On the other hand, they allowed them to target civilians and political cadres belonging to the self-administration with drones, but Turkey exceeded that by targeting the infrastructure. I do not rule out that there may be a response and a change in the position of some countries in the international alliance after Turkey targeted the infrastructure, because by targeting the infrastructure, it exceeded the agreement, but beyond that, Turkey is present within this project, and is being used as a tool to implement this project, and they (the Turks) realize that they are within the project as happened in Syria and Iraq, so Iran and Turkey are also targeted, so despite their differences that extend into the depths of history, they gathered in the Astana alliance; because they are fully aware that through this project or any country in which various races and peoples live, they will be allowed to obtain their rights and determine their destiny and live with dignity, even if it is within the same geography without dividing the existing geography, Turkey knows well that it will be subjected to that, but America and the other countries that are the owners of this project, according to the plan they have set, have a long breath, turning a blind eye to what Turkey is doing, the major powers are the ones who carry out the implementation according to their interests, and in my opinion, the day will come when Turkey will be targeted; because the goal of the “New Middle East” project is to change the region, achieve the freedoms of the peoples, and strike everything related to racism; Turkey has exceeded racism and reached the stage of fascism in its hostility to all the peoples of the region.

Question: What is required locally to confront these attacks?

Strengthening the internal front is considered an important issue, as we, the people of Rojava and northern and eastern Syria, have been living on our historical land for thousands of years. Turkey always claims and calls for national security, so it is the responsibility of all the people, political and military leadership to ensure the region’s national security. This is a necessity.

Turkey, which has been an occupier and settler for hundreds of years, when it talks about its national security – this is a claim at the expense of the people of the region – and we turn a blind eye to our national security, which gives Turkey and those plotting against us the opportunity to carry out their agendas. The primary requirement is the national security of the region, and this is required of us as a political and military leadership. The people and components of the region must also realize that well, and we also need to move beyond tribal ideas that still dominate some tribal groups, where tribal thinking is favored over national thinking or regional national security.

We need to raise awareness among the people about the issue of national security, and define the nature of the Turkish state and even the nature of the existing system and the Iranian system; because they pose a threat not only to the Kurdish element, but to the people of the region as a whole, and they target all the peoples. If the ship sinks, everyone will sink, so raising awareness means not leaving gaps between the masses and the political leadership, which is necessary and required by the political leadership. They must deploy enlightening teams from within the existing components in the region.

Regarding the issue of clinging to the land and not emigrating; emigration is rejected, but there are duties required and rights for the people clinging to their land, rights that fall on the shoulders of the political leadership or the regional government, and the regional government must do its duty to reduce emigration. When I talk about national security, there are many aspects to national security, there is the social aspect, the military aspect, the political aspect, and the economic aspect, and what I mean by national security is that there are external threats and factors targeting this security from the Turkish state primarily, and from the regime and the Iranians secondarily. Therefore, raising this issue is extremely important; the issue of national security for the region explains everything I want to explain for long hours, so all those with capabilities and capacities must undertake the task of raising awareness among their people to confront these dangers, whether they are internal or external. The political leadership and the intellectuals are primarily responsible for that, and in my opinion, the people are doing their duty. Their survival on this land despite the Turkish bombardment and the brutal policies carried out by Astana, the regime, Iran, and the Turks, which are being overlooked, and the people’s clinging to their land and existence is in itself a great resistance.

Closing remarks 

I am optimistic from a strategic standpoint, and the situation in the region – definitely – will not be as the authoritarian and fascist regimes in the region would like it to be, whether it’s Turkey, Iran, or others. The region will change for the better, and the administration – despite all the difficulties and enemies around it – is experiencing a participatory state; all the components of the region are involved in managing the region, and there are strong bonds of brotherhood; and this increases our optimism.

Through our engagement in the political process abroad for the region, as well as domestic policy, and the solidarity of the components, I can say that I am optimistic that the region will change for the better, and that the North and East Syria region is the first model for the Middle East heading towards change.

Participation of Dr. Mukhtar Ghabashi – Doctor of Criminal Law and Political Science.

Question: What are the messages conveyed by the Turkish shelling of the areas in North and East Syria?

We must consider the matter from a very different important perspective; Turkey is primarily concerned with preventing any democratic development, and this development constitutes an advanced self-administration that can turn into an entity, and this entity will be disturbing to Turkey; because of the larger proportion of Kurds in Turkey, living on their land, and having the same aspirations and ambitions, Turkey faces two goals:

The first is to separate North and East Syria from the Kurdish side in Turkey.

The second is to thwart the experience of self-administration in the areas of North and East Syria.

These are the two main goals of Turkey, the first goal is to prevent communication between the areas of North and East Syria; because this is a phobia and obsession for successive Turkish governments, and it worries the current Turkish government.

In my opinion; this has led the Turkish state at the beginning of the Syrian crisis to talk about a safe zone along the Turkish-Syrian border, 32 km deep; to create a separation between the Syrian and Turkish sides.

As for the other matter, it is the success of this region and its generalization according to the final proposal to solve the Syrian crisis, which gives this region some privileges in the form of self-administration or regional administration, especially since this experience has succeeded to a great extent in containing the diverse spectra within this region, and also this region in terms of its own self-administration was very smart, as it sent messages in one way or another to the Syrian government in Damascus, as well as to the international parties, indicating that it does not have (self-administration) in mind as a matter of separation, and it wants to solve the Syrian crisis while preserving the Syrian state and its capabilities, in exchange for taking into account the issue of ethnic diversity, and not having the rule in it “centralized” this matter will be very annoying to Turkey; because it does not want that, and it has the experience of the Kurdistan region of Iraq, regardless of whether there is a relationship or not, or the existence of some form of contact with this region, but it does not want this experience to be applied on a large scale, neither in the Syrian interior, nor in the Iranian interior; both countries have a large percentage of Kurds.

The other matter is that the international and regional position is preoccupied with the conflict, this conflict that many observers see as very important, which is the conflict within the Gaza Strip, so the United States and the Western world are preoccupied with this conflict, to find mechanisms to reach a ceasefire, in addition to shuttle diplomacy for many officials in the Arab region talking about an exit from the conflict, which has prompted Turkey to launch strikes that can affect the experience of self-administration.

Turkey has two reasons:

The first reason is the military operation in Ankara, and the second is the military operation in northern Iraq; Turkey exploited these two operations to strike areas of the self-administration of northern and eastern Syria, by targeting the economic self-sufficiency areas within this region. In simple terms, Turkey wants to weaken the region or create a kind of pressure and chaos, or to tighten on the Kurdish people and other components in the region, in order to provoke them against the self-administration, and to weaken the region’s ability to continue its success, especially in light of the self-administration’s talk about the framework for solving the Syrian crisis while preserving the Syrian state. This is what makes Turkey unhappy about this issue, so it occasionally directs these strikes to the region of northern and eastern Syria, and has begun to target economic areas, especially oil areas that constitute the main source of income for the success or development of this region in terms of localities and the administrations within this region. These are very important messages, a message of weakening the self-administration is a message to pressure this region by directing these strikes on the economic structure within the region of northern and eastern Syria, and it is a message to the outside world that it is fighting terrorism, and in the face of a terrifying scene of destruction carried out by Israel in Gaza, the international community cannot do anything. There is a lot of evidence that Turkey has started to direct strikes to areas in northern and eastern Syria, and through these strikes, it sends messages to the outside world, and the most important of these messages is that it is fighting terrorism, and based on its fight against terrorism, the international community must allow it to weaken the infrastructure of the region of northern and eastern Syria, and turn a blind eye to its strikes on economic bases and others.

Question: Why are Arab States silent regarding attacks launched by the Turkish occupying forces on north and east Syria? 

Egyptian position, for example, is clear about foreign interference. The Turkish interference in the Syrian and Libyan issues, and the Turkish skirmishes in the eastern Mediterranean especially after the demarcation between countries of the eastern Mediterranean is part of Egypt’s dispute with Turkey. Egypt’s disagreement with Turkey is based mainly on Turkish interference in the Arab issue and the imposition of any form of control, but the Arab position as a whole is ambiguous and is now in the worst situation as it has been lost. The Arab states don’t know how to treat with Turkey whether as a neighbour or an enemy. In short, the Arabs are very confused in this field.

The other thing is that the Arab side lacks a minimum system to maintain its national security. In other words, it lacks a very important part. For example, the Western world handles an issue based on the principle of reciprocity. When the US sanctioned Russia, its aligned states took the initiative to impose the same sanctions on Russia in one form or another because it wanted to reach the minimum level of commitment in defense matters, or in the form of foreign policy management when dealing with a particular issue or position. However, the Arab position does not have such a mechanism. It indicates that it is against foreign interference, but nonetheless it allies, deals, reconciles and talks with countries that are deep into the Arab crisis including Iran and Turkey as they are involved in many Arab issues. However, there is no unified mechanism for the Arab world’s engagement with both Iran and Turkey. This grave scourge still exists in the Arab world, and the Arab national security system needs to be reformed and directed.

In accordance with the preservation of the Arab national security system, how the Arab world deals with a component or a people like the Kurdish people which has a very important part within Iraq and is an essential part of its regime, and that the President of the Republic, by virtue of the Iraqi Constitution, must be Kurdish. There is also a territory that enjoys some form of self-administration and exists within Iraq. The Kurdish people are also considered to be a very important component within the Syrian arena in the region of northern and eastern Syria, and important for the Arab side. If it wants to reach some form of explicit and clear cooperation with external parties involved in this matter, the Arab world should have some form of interaction and cooperation with this matter, or it has to create an explicit and realistic mechanism of understanding between the Arab world and the Kurdish component within the Arab world. This mechanism must also be examined through the Arab League and through the basic positions of the Kurdish people. Everyone then agrees with each other on the mechanisms for dealing with external interference or engaging in Arab issues.

Question: How long will Arab countries remain dependent on other countries and remain silent?

Arab States are not silent, they are either chilling or theoretically against this interference, but the mechanisms for actually dealing with this issue and on the ground are missing. This is the reality of the Arab world, not just on the question of Turkish interference, but also of Iran’s. Even in the case of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, there is some form of confusion in dealing with this issue: Will they boycott or resort to coarse diplomacy? Or will economic, political, military or other relations be suspended? Such things are missing, and this is a serious scourge, and the main way out of this lies in the country’s handling, i.e. there should be an explicit dialogue between the Kurdish component and the central government in Damascus about a main mechanism. Both parties should be against Turkish interference, and there should be a high objective regarding how to take Turkey out of Syrian geography, and how Turkey leaves the order of the Syrian people to their components and ethnicities to resolve their dilemma or problem between each other. This is the very important part, and I envisage creating a talking point between the Kurdish people and the central government to get out of the search for Arab consensus or seek regional or international sympathy against the issue of Turkish interference and its attacks. The only way is to take the country issue as a basis, or for the administration to create a defense mechanism, and it has largely succeeded in this matter, but it is insufficient to stand against the issue of Turkish attacks or Turkish interference in the Syrian matter.

At the beginning of my speech, I made two important points: the first was about eliminating concerns about the evolution of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) that may, at the end, lead to a form of separation. This creates problems with the central government in Damascus and creates problems in the mechanisms of dealing with the Arab component. So, when the main goal of the AANES to find a solution to the crisis within the framework of the Syrian state, it will be an essence of the solution. I think that overcoming the lack of Arab consensus on the issue of Turkish and Iranian interference is very important. A mechanism must be found for it during this and the next stages, and it should be based on how a means of communication is established between the AANES and the central government. Such a means should be built on mutual trust and on a single objective that is how to get the alien out, how to get the occupier out, and how to cooperate in the issue of interference, whether politically, militarily or economically.

In my opinion, such a mechanism can also be accessible in dealing with Iran, the US and Russia, even if there are alliances and treaties. The Arab side, from my point of view, is desperately in need of rescue, as it is in the ICU, suffers from problems, and is encroached upon by regional and international powers that control its abilities. If we take the Syrian issue as a criterion, we will see that the main controllers in this issue are not Arabs, but the three parties most in control of the Syrian issue are Turkey, Russia and Iran that are best able to invite the other parties to discussions in Astana, Geneva or Sochi and other meetings seeking a solution to the Syrian crisis. And this is a very big problem. We hope that the Arab states will overcome these things in the coming period, and that the conflict inside the Gaza Strip should be a means for seeking an Arab consensus on “Management of the system” to maintain the Arab national security system at least, and that the Kurdish people be a part of the Arab national security system better to be encroached upon by a regional or international force. We have a problem that needs to be researched and studied, and talking about it does not end easily.

What is internationally required to deter Turkish occupation?

Overcoming international inaction lies in identifying the situation locally. I believe that the success of this experiment and the messages to other ethnic components within Northeast Syria region is very important. Messages must always be positive, institutional and based on maintaining security and order, strengthening the territory, enhancing its financial and economic capacities, and democratic in the form and administration of governance.

The second is the need for direct or indirect communication between the AANES and the central government, and that the message should be clear that the AANES has no intention of separation, and seeks to resolve the Syrian crisis and preserve the state’s capabilities and distribute them to the Syrian people with all its components, ethnicities and communities, and that it desires a pluralistic government and built in a democratic form. This creates a form of communication, distances many concerns, and leads to a form of Arab and Islamic sympathy.

The third is to move away from suspicions about the AANES’ own relationship with another regional force or an international force that is the focus of questioning and enquiry, or of concerns that create problems with the regional or international environment.

Internationally, we have to understand the situation well. What is the international situation with its attractions, spectrums and components? This international situation has benefited the Turkish and Iranian sides greatly. The international situation and the attractions of regional and international powers, and the centralization of the relationship between the US and Russia or the western and eastern components, have always benefited the regional parties because it has the ambition to expand and open relations in the Arab region in one way or another, the international and regional attractions are strong enough to add to the core force, through which they can achieve ambitions and objectives. The AANES should recognize that the international position is not in its interest. The international situation and the relationship of tension and attraction between the US, which does not want to anger Turkey or Russia, that is trying to attract Turkey for its part, both of the main poles have objectives. Their most important goal is that both of them do not want to anger Turkey, so Turkey unleashes to do what it wants. If it has concerns about the Northeast Syria region, it hits military institutions and bases, because it already knows the position of both the US and Russia, which is a very big problem; The territory’s leaders and AANES’ should therefore be well aware of this.

Question: How does Egypt view the AANES in Northeastern Syria?

Northeast Syria is self-administered and has been a great success since 2011 to date. It sent positive messages, put forward an initiative to resolve the Syrian crisis and held two conferences; The title of both of them was “The intra-Syrian solution”. This solution comes from preserving Syria’s geography and capabilities, all of which we welcome, and I, as a researcher, imagine that the future is coming, and it is important that our goal and destiny be one, and that the maintenance of the national security system be one against any interference with any regional or international force in any way.

Concluding statement

I wish and pray to God to see a revival of the Arab position, and we continue to count on the Arab League to be able to seek safe haven for the Arab national security system and mechanisms for dealing with regional and international forces involved in Arab matters including Turkey and Iran. I hope Syria and Iraq regain their strength and all the components of the Arab world return to the Arab national security system, and all the foreign powers to come out of the Arab world including Turkey, Iran, Russia and the US. We hope seeking a safe haven for the Arab national security system, and we continue to rely on Syria as a significant power within this system and within its components, and that the Arab national security system should be based on a close relationship between the Arab world and ethnic and sectarian components with the Kurdish people above all. I believe that there will be great success if the Arab national security system comes together with the realization of the Kurdish people’s aspirations within this system. Through which we can create prudent mechanisms with many regional and international forces involved in Arab affairs.

Sanharib Barssoum – Co-Chair of the Syriac Union Party

Question: In your opinion, what is the impact of the Turkish occupation attacks on the Syrian crisis, the political solution, and the fight against ISIS in this region?

Of course, Turkey continues to play the role of the obstructionist for the political solution of Syria’s conflict, especially militarily through creating wars, conflicts, or national and sectarian sedition during which it has supported the terrorist organizations because Turkey’s objective and interests are not achieved through a political solution in Syria. The success of its scheme is linked to the extent of chaos, conflicts and general instability in Syria. So we find that through its continued attacks on north and east Syria, Turkey is trying to create a state of war in these areas in particular and in Syria in general because targeting oil, economic and service facilities that belong to all Syrians is detrimental to all Syrians and not to the peoples of north and east Syria alone.

This situation created by Turkey affects the general atmosphere and environment sought by many Syrian parties, and even some international parties to create stability and impose truces on all fronts so that the UN can play a role in finding Syria’s political solution. But through its attacks, Turkey seeks to expand the areas it occupied whenever regional and international conditions permit it, as its agendas and plans continue to occupy more Syrian areas. therefore, it seeks to continue its attacks to create instability in preparation for the occupation of other areas. Within this framework and within these objectives, Turkey continues to fight the AANES and the SDF. It is known that the SDF, in cooperation with the Global Coalition, is the only party that fight ISIS and its sleeping cells. A lot of cells and princes who launched attacks against the SDF, the Internal Security Forces, and civilian installations were captured. ISIS is pursuing a new tactic through disappearance and specific strikes. With this new ISIS tactic, the SDF also adopts a method of fighting the group. When Turkey creates a state of war on the border and on the fronts separating between the SDF and the Turkish army and its affiliated mercenary factions, it (Turkey) makes the SDF pay all its attention to these hotlines, so ISIS is taking advantage of such conditions, and the attack on Gweiran prison in Hasakah was a strong example, where ISIS was able to carry out major operations.

This is what all the countries of the world must pay attention to, where the threat of ISIS still exists, and that Turkey is helping the group indirectly to reorganize its ranks. Turkey has been helping ISIS directly, and there is ample evidence. When ISIS occupied a lot of border areas, we saw how the process of logistical support, weapons and oil trade between ISIS and Turkey were active. That was direct support. Today, through indirect support, Turkey is continuing to adopt the same strategy by supporting such terrorist groups whose interests are compatible with Turkey’s interests.

Question: What is the international community trying to achieve through repeated silence on what is happening in the areas of north and east Syria? How do you assess the Arab position in this context?

Regarding the international position, specifically the US-led Global Coalition and Russia, it is based on their relations with Turkey and the common interests. As we know, an agreement was signed after the occupation of Ras al-Ayn and Tal Abyad between Turkey and Russia, and another was signed between Turkey and the US, the preserve the truce and prevent renewed conflicts, but Turkey has kept breaching the truce and conventions through launching aggressive operations in north and east Syria. In fact, the international position does not meet the aspirations and demands of our peoples in the region to ensure their protection and security from the Turkish aggression. This applies to both the Coalition and Russia, but why? As we said before, the two parties have common interests with Turkey, and these interests go beyond Syrian geography and the Middle East. So, both parties are careful not to pressure Turkey to maintain a relationship, especially since the US and Russia are in a state of conflict that is not new, and this conflict has been further renewed after the Russian war on Ukraine. The extent of the conflict between the two countries is what makes each of them more attuned to the relationship with Turkey.

Therefore, with regret, we see them turning a blind eye to the crimes committed by Turkey from Derik (far northeast Syria) to Afrin (northwest Syria). There are violations and war crimes committed, attacks by warplanes and drones are launched, and civilians and AANES employees are targeted. All this is to intimidate our people and an attempt by Turkey to pressure the people through these policies. We, therefore, believe that the positions of the Coalition and Russia towards these attacks are weak and shy. We want them to be more stringent, preventing any Turkish encroachment on north and east Syria. Unfortunately, these international interests are preferred over many humanitarian matters. If we go back a little bit to history, we will find that Turkey committed one of the most egregious ethnic genocides against the Armenians and Syriacs in 1915. Yet to date, the international community is silent and not holding Turkey accountable for those crimes, nor it recognized those crimes. Only some countries have recognized those genocides, but there has no international consensus on condemning the Ottoman Sultanate (Turkey today is its heir). The failure to hold Turkey accountable for those genocides has given Turkey the strength and audacity to continue its annihilations against Kurds, Yazidis and Alawites, and against all those who disagree with them.

Question: What is required regionally from the states of the region (except for the Turkish occupying power, since it is the reason for creating the problem)?

At the outset, I would like to clarify a point that Dr. Mukhtar spoke of. The AAENS conducted several meetings with the Syrian regime under the auspices of Russia, but all these meetings did not rise to the level of reaching a serious and effective dialogue to reach consensus, why? Because the mentality of the Syrian regime remains the same, as it does not want to make any concessions to the Syrian people or make amendments to the Constitution or any concession even in a simple way. It is still betting on return and control of all Syrian territory, and reinstate its rule as before 2011. This mentality continues today. Some of the meetings took place in Damascus and some at Hmeimim Air Base but this thing doesn’t make us change our attitude, that is the basis of the Syrian solution is the intra-Syrian dialogue and the Syrians’ consensus, which is the vision of the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) and the vision of the AANES of the solution in Syria. We don’t bet on any international power or any solution that comes from the outside, but there is a big problem, which is that the international community has excluded the democratic powers from the Syrian political solution, and has supported the two opposition parties controlled by the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood and regime – both of which have a nationalist and religious chauvinist mentality. Also, the democratic powers that operate under the SDC umbrella have been excluded.

As for the regional position, which is primarily reflected in the Arab one, there is no doubt that we are betting on a strong position from the Arab states to resolve the Syrian crisis. Unfortunately, to date, the Arab states’ position is weak if we compare it with some of the other regional powers that have entered the Syrian crisis and taken control of Syria’s territory. Here I am talking about Turkey and Iran, so what is needed is a unified Arab position to put an end to the Turkish attacks, to put an end to the Iranian project’s penetration into Syria, and to contribute to a political solution in Syria. The Arab League has renewed relations with the Syrian regime in exchange for the regime’s steps, but unfortunately, there has been no progress on the part of the Syrian regime, as it did not provide anything in the document signed with the Arab League. And there are many things, the simplest of which is the issue of border control with Jordan. Since the agreement, we have witnessed an increase in smuggling operations into Jordan. This is what forced the Jordanian army to intervene militarily. This regime has not made simple concessions to the Arab League that has returned and contained it. So, how can it make concessions to the Syrian people?!

Here lies the very big problem, we in the AANES have sent many letters to the Arab League to show the reality of this project, but it is my personal belief that many Arab countries have been dragged behind Turkish, Russian and the Syrian regime propagandas, claiming that the AANES is a Kurdish separatist project. This is in Turkey’s interest to justify its attacks on these areas. Since its establishment, the AANES has involved Arabs, Syriacs, Armenians and other components. They are all in the AANES institutions, and there is an Arab majority in these areas. The Arab League is therefore required to make an accurate diagnosis of this project which is the basis for Syria’s political solution, not only through the concepts it raises as slogans but through the democratic concepts that have been applied on the ground. Therefore, Arab states are required to come close to Syrians, not to the Syrian regime. They should come close to the democratic political powers. Those states should play an essential role in the political solution, and we welcome this role and consider it to be of primary importance at the Syrian level.

Concluding statement:

Regional and international conditions are undoubtedly not conducive to the hopes and aspirations of all Syrians. The Syrian issue may have become an international marginal issue, but for us it is a fateful one, and we are being asked to join hands and talk and agree, and to stand in the face of sedition and against those powers that want the conflict between Syrians to continue. Unifying the Syrians would ensure an end to all interventions, including those of Turkey in Syrian territory.

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